Proteste von Fußballfans in Ägypten und in der Türkei Geschlossene Abwehrkette

Von James M. Dorsey

Der Kampf der autoritären Staats- und Regierungschefs in der Türkei und in Ägypten um die Kontrolle der Fußballstadien und öffentlichen Räume versetzt militante Fußballfans in Aufruhr.

Jahrelange Auseinandersetzungen in den Stadien und bei Massenveranstaltungen griffen von den Tribünen auf die Straßen über und mündeten 2011 in Proteste gegen die Regierung, die schließlich zum Sturz des ägyptischen Staatspräsidenten Hosni Mubarak führten. 2013 erschütterten die Protestbewegungen auch die Türkei und ließen in der Folge die autokratischen Züge von Präsident Recep Tayyip Erdoğan erstarken.

Der vom General zum ägyptischen Präsidenten mutierte Abdel Fattah al-Sisi verlagerte eine neue Abteilung seines Innenministeriums nach Neu-Kairo, östlich der ägyptischen Hauptstadt, in die dortige Polizeiakademie. Hierhin wurde das Ministerium zuvor aus der Innenstadt von Kairo verlegt, wo es seit längerem Ziel von Protesten ist. Die Polizeiakademie fasst die Generalstaatsanwaltschaft, die Staatssicherheit sowie Justizbehörden mit der Absicht zusammen, den Demonstranten in Zeiten steigender Unzufriedenheit die symbolischen Ziele ihres Protestes zu nehmen.

“Die Sicherheitslage ist eng verbunden mit den regierungskritischen Aktionen gewisser Demonstranten im Zentrum von Kairo, die Chaos im Land verbreiten wollen”, so der ehemalige Leiter der Polizeiakademie, General Ahmad al­-Badry, gegenüber der Online-Publikation “Al-Monitor”.

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Veranstaltung: Zwischen Eigentor und Aufstand: Ultras in den gegenwärtigen Revolten

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Die Veranstaltung findet am Samstag, den 04. Juni 2016 um 12:00 Uhr in Berlin im Mehringhof statt.

Freundinnen und Freunde der klassenlosen Gesellschaft stellen die Zeitschrift kosmoprolet vor und besprechen speziell den Text darin: “Zwischen Eigentor und Aufstand: Ultras in den gegenwärtigen Revolten.”

Im letzten Zyklus der Kämpfe betrat eine neue Kraft die Bühne: Organisierte Fußballfans waren an vielen Aufständen rund um den Globus beteiligt; beispielsweise in Tunesien, Ägypten, der Türkei und der Ukraine. Die Ultras nahmen an den Riots teil, ihre Lieder stifteten eine Einheit unter den Protestierenden und im Falle der Gezi-Park-Bewegung organisierte die Supportergruppe Çarşı die ersten Nachbarschaftsversammlungen. Ultras traten jedoch nicht nur bei fortschrittlichen Bewegungen hervor, sondern auch als nationalistische Schlägertrupps, wie am Beispiel der Maidan-Proteste in der Ukraine zu sehen war. Auf der Veranstaltung soll geklärt werden, wie dieser oft im besten Fall als völlig unpolitisch oder kommerzabhängig bewertete Akteur entstehen konnte und wie sein Wirken in den gegenwärtigen Unruhen einzuschätzen ist.

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Football is religion’s only rival in the Middle East: James Dorsey

Football is religion's only rival in the Middle East: James Dorsey

Von Arun Janardhan

In his latest book, Dorsey looks at football in the region, which overlaps with politics, protests and gender rights

While world football may be dominated by European and South American nations, the Middle East and North Africa have consistently made football news over the years. Whether it was Algeria’s shocking win over West Germany in the 1982 World Cup, or the fact that some of the biggest clubs in Europe have owners from Qatar and the United Arab Emirates.

In his latest book The Turbulent World of Middle East Soccer, James M. Dorsey, a journalist and a senior fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies at Singapore’s Nanyang Technological University, looks at football in the region, which overlaps with politics, protests and gender rights.

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32 injured in clashes between security forces and football supporters

Von Daily News Egypt

Al-Ahly‘s football department blames sports leaders for not taking needed precautions

The casualty toll has risen from 29 to 32 following clashes between football fans and security forces at Borg Al-Arab stadium on Wednesday, Egyptian Ambulance Organisation (EAO) said in an official statement.

EAO medical respondents treated 22 fans in front of the stadium and transferred 10 others to a nearby hospital in Amerya, according to the statement. “The numbers are still preliminary,” the statement read.

Security forces fired teargas at a group of fans attempting to enter the stadium without tickets and the resulting gas led to their suffocation, according to a statement issued by the Ministry of Interior. “They were persuaded to leave. Instead, they insisted to enter which cause police to fire teargas at them,” the ministry said in a statement.

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Recognizing fan power, Egypt’s regime boosts calls for security sector reform

Von James M. Dorsey

Egyptian President Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi’s brutal regime in rare gestures towards his opponents has twice this year recognized the potential street power of his country’s militant, street battle-hardened soccer fans. In doing so, the regime has implicitly acknowledged that security forces rather than the fans were responsible for past violence and provided ammunition for calls for wholesale reform of law enforcement.

The Sisi regime’s latest gesture came this week when for the first time in five years allowed thousands of members of the Ultras White Knights (UWK), hard-line supporters of storied Cairo club Al Zamalek FC who played a key role in the 2011 toppling of Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak and protests against subsequent governments, to attend an African Champions League match against Algeria’s Mouloudia Olympique de Bejaia better known as MO Bejaia.

The decision to allow UWK into the stadium followed warnings by the group and its arch rival, Ultras Ahlawy, the militant support group of Al Ahli SC, that they would defy the interior ministry’s ban, implicitly risking yet another deadly clash with security forces.

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Ultras White Knights cancel plans to attend match

12 Zamalek fans referred to criminal court over Mortada Mansour ‘assassination attempt’ (DNE File Photo)

UKW issued a statement proclaiming fear of state-orgnaised violence, while the Ultras Ahlawy confirm plan to attend

The Ultras White Knights (UWK) cancelled their plans to attend the African Cup of Nations match on Saturday evening.

In a statement issued on their Facebook page, the group cited fears of an “uneven battle” between the Ultras group and security forces. They feared a repetition of the events of the “Air Defence Massacre” in which 20 Al-Zamalek fans lost their lives.

On 8 February 2015, an Egyptian premier league football match between Al-Zamalek SC and ENPPI took a violent turn as fans were attempting to enter the Air Defence Stadium. Many were killed when security forces violently dispersed fans crowding the entrance to the stadium. Fans were trapped inside a metal walkway leading into the stadium.

Ultras Ahlawy and UKW), the militant groups supporting Al-Ahly SC and Al-Zamalek SC respectively, issued separate statements Friday morning stating their intentions to attend their respective matches. At the time of publication, the Ultras Ahlawy plan to uphold their intention of attending.

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Egypt’s Ultras: The movements and the state

Von Ziad Akl

Over the course of the past five years, Ultras movements have been a constant source of disturbance for the Egyptian state

Despite the change in political leadership in Egypt from 2011 until now, none of the different administrations that assumed office were able to arrive at a successful strategy to handle Ultras movements. Courses of action adopted by the different political administrations included attempted dialogues, cooptation, legislation, and outright violence. However, until today the state remains unable to repress the movements or accommodate them.

Although various constraints are put on collective action and social mobilisation via a multitude of tools, Ultras movements remain capable of assembly, expression and influence. While more politically oriented social movements were not capable (for different reasons) of mobilising to commemorate the revolution’s anniversary last January, Ultras Ahlawy and Ultras White Knights were successful in honouring the memory of those who were tragically killed in the Port Said and the Air Defense Stadium massacres.

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The Egyptian Ultras as Revolutionary Players

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0RzQ8cgl9cg

Von Caabu

Unhappy anniversaries

On 25 January, Egypt marked the fifth anniversary of the 2011 revolution that toppled long-time ruler Hosni Mubarak. For the first time since 2010, the day passed rather inconspicuously. Several small demonstrations numbering in the hundreds did take place, mostly made up of Muslim Brotherhood members and supporters, but these were quickly dispersed by police and security forces. Secular activists, unlike previous years, did not organise protests of their own.

This relative lack of protest in no ways signifies unanimous approval of the status quo under current President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi. Thousands of Egyptians did mark the anniversary by resorting to social media with the hashtag #I_Participated_In_January_Revolutionfor instance. What it does reflect is the overwhelming difficulties and dangers facing dissident voices in light of an intensifying crackdown of opposition movements. In 2015 alone, it is estimated that 474 Egyptians died at the hands of the security forces and over 600 were tortured while in detention. In the run up to this year’s anniversary the crackdown only increased. Over 5000 homes in central Cairo were raided to prevent street protests. On 25 January itself, the government dispatched 180,000 security forces across the country to ensure ‘quiet’.

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Conviction of Egyptian Soccer Fans Slams Door on Potential Political Dialogue

Von James M.Dorsey

Fleeting hopes that Egypt’s militant, street battled-hardened soccer fans may have breached general-turned-president Abdel Fattah Al Sisi’s repressive armour were dashed with this week’s sentencing of 15 supporters on charges of attempting to assassinate the controversial head of storied Cairo club Al Zamalek SC.

Although the sentences of one year in prison handed down by a Cairo court were relatively light by the standards of a judiciary that has sent hundreds of regime critics to the gallows and condemned hundreds more to lengthy periods in jail, it threatens to close the door to a dialogue that had seemingly been opened, if only barely, by Mr. Al Sisi.

Mr. Al Sisi’s rare gesture came in a month that witnessed three mass protests, two by soccer fans in commemoration of scores of supporters killed in two separate, politically loaded incidents, and one by medical doctors – an exceptional occurrence since Mr. Al Sisi’s rise to power in a military coup in 2013 followed by a widely criticized election and the passing of a draconic anti-protest law.

In a telephone call to a local television in reaction to a February 1 gathering of Ultras Ahlawy, the militant support group of Zamalek arch rival Al Ahli SC, in honour of 72 of their members who died in 2012 in a brawl in the Suez Canal city of Port Said, Mr. Al Sisi offered the fans to conduct an investigation of their own.

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In the Middle East, Football is More Than a Game

Egypt football fans

Von  Shu-Wen Chye und James Dorsey

In this edition of The Interview, Fair Observer talks to award-winning journalist James Dorsey.

To millions around the world, football is a religion. Countries bicker and fight to host the World Cup. Organizations like FIFA rise and fall in the face of never-ending corruption scandals. The last thing anyone might associate “the beautiful game” with is the unpredictable world of politics.

To investigative journalist James M. Dorsey, however, the millions of fans who worship the sport are exceptionally integral to this world. Their loyalty, unity and devotion to football clubs are part of the larger architecture of politics and authoritarian regime resilience in the Middle East.

Having spent the last four decades covering ethnic and religious conflict and major events of the 20th century in the Middle East, Africa, Asia, Europe and Latin America, Dorsey’s recent endeavors have proved to be more academic as a senior fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies in Singapore, and co-director of the Institute of Fan Culture at the Julius Maximilian University of Würzburg in Germany.

His chief focus has been his widely acclaimed blog, The Turbulent World of Middle East Soccer, and a soon to be published book of the same name, which explores how football has shaped Middle Eastern politics and vice versa.

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